Clearly there is a symbiotic relationship between terrorism, fear, media, and the government as proposed by theoretical models such as the game theory. The support of citizens is the ultimate prize in this 'game.' An important point to note is that the citizens are not passive recipients of this 'game' and have a myriad of reactions as explained by the Value Protection Theory and the Terror Management Theory. The media is an invaluable tool to perpetuate terrorists' violent agenda; the government utilizes the same tool to fight terrorism, but its efforts are sometimes tainted because of a lack of consensus among political power brokers about the methods used to win the war on terror. Additionally government efforts to limit the effects of terrorism are compromised by close links between government agencies and corporations. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

The main purpose of this chapter is to use insights from the evolutionary study of human behavior to answer this query and explain why terrorism terrifies us. In so doing, we bring together several disparate strands of research. Our discussion will proceed as follows. We begin, by defining terrorism and briefly differentiating modern terrorism from other forms- of political conflict throughout history. After that we review the spectrum of psychological and behavioral responses, to terrorist attacks. We then consider the evolutionary significance of such responses, and connect them to an anxiety module that underlies threat-compensation strategies. We locate the module that responds to terrorism among several other anxiety modules in the brain's precaution system. Hence, what we propose here is a synthesis of material and a proposed module that has not been previously discussed in evolutionary psychology (EP). (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

This chapter focuses on the impact of mass violence on children and the use of art therapy to help those children impacted by traumatic grief to develop coping skills and resiliency. Mass violence comprises political violence (including terrorist acts), ongoing exposure to street violence, and mass single-incident shootings. Although mass trauma can result from natural disasters, this chapter concentrates on mass trauma inflicted by humans, notably mass terrorism and nonterroristic mass violence. Two powerful single-incident examples of mass violence'”the September 11, 2001 (9/II), terrorist attacks and the December 14, 2012 (12/14), school shooting in Newtown, Connecticut'”are highlighted with case examples to demonstrate the therapeutic needs of the children affected and how clinical interventions are structured to address these needs. This chapter validates how art therapy interventions support the role of creativity in trauma recovery from mass terrorism and violence. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

The new realities of terrorism and weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) demand an entirely new set of policies, practices, and relationships among a host of entities and institutions charged with ensuring public safety. As illustrated by the experiences and lessons of the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, police, fire, and emergency medical services face unprecedented challenges in the future, and similar challenges confront virtually every institution in the United States. This chapter has outlined some of the issues, problems, and threats posed by the specter of terrorism and terrorists' use of WMDs and has identified the compelling need for highly coordinated response and recovery planning that integrates resources, skills, personnel, and capabilities of a range of public sector agencies and private sector organizations. No plan can pretend to be perfect; there are simply too many unforeseen issues and exigencies that arise in specific events, and the planning must therefore be crafted for flexibility and adaptability. This involves nothing less than a new mind set that accepts, accounts for, and takes up the challenges posed by the realities of our world. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

This reprinted article originally appeared in Contemporary Social Science, Vol 6(3), Nov 2011, 361-375. This paper seeks to explore ways in which the response required to deal with terrorist threats of the 21st century differs from that required to respond to threats the UK has faced in the past, in particular the threat from the Irish Republican Army (IRA). It explores the resilience of crowds to suicide bomb attacks, including the ability of spontaneous, competent 'zero' responders to emerge from within the crowd before professional first responders arrive at the incident scene. The first part of the paper will cover the history of terrorist attacks on the UK and Europe that have resulted in large numbers of civilian casualties and will compare these with mass casualty incidents resulting from causes other than terrorism. The speed with which professional responders can reach the incident site will be considered and potential sources of immediate response, including that provided by members of the public who are themselves caught up in the event, will be discussed. The second part will consider scenarios in which the 'normal' response chain (in which professional first responders are summoned to the incident site and arrive promptly) is broken. Responders may be prohibited from reaching the casualties because the incident has taken place in a location that is difficult to access; because they cannot access the casualties without putting themselves in danger; and because of hostage situations in which terrorists actively deny access to the incident site. It will be argued that in such cases current thinking on the response to terrorism may need to be modified. At times the affected crowd may need to fend for itself, drawing on resources, knowledge and skills that exist within the crowd itself. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

This book provides a comprehensive insight into the multi-layered effects experienced by directly affected victims and their indirectly affected family members following terrorist incidents and other world disasters. Chapters draw primarily on interviews with 50 victims of the Bali bombings, but also consider terrorist incidents including the London and Boston bombings, and disasters such as the Boxing Day tsunami and the Fukushima nuclear" disaster. The book provides a detailed exploration of experiences and perceptions of those involved in the traumatic events, as well as their families, emergency response teams and community volunteers. Chapters discuss community responses to major incidents, appropriate non-medical models of intervention and vulnerable groups that may require special attention. The findings and analysis presented contribute to our understanding of the multi-layered effects of terrorism on victims of all levels, and the importance of a planned and informed response which includes the local community and its wealth of pre-existing resources. Terrorism, Trauma and Psychology will be key reading for researchers and academics in the fields of social and clinical psychology, as well as scholars of victimology and terrorism studies. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: cover)

When terror strikes, it leaves a path of destruction in its wake'”a path that extends beyond the immediate victims and survivors. The impact of terrorist threats and attacks is often widespread, reaching throughout the society and changing life as we know it. The terror attacks of 9/11, for example, resulted in the deaths of nearly 3,000 and the displacement of another approximately 4,000 people. Social workers were called into action to respond to those in need in New York City and throughout the United States. Increasingly, a public mental health approach to responding to terrorist attacks is advocated. Such an approach focuses on providing broadly targeted prevention efforts as well as early identification and intervention services for those deemed to be at highest risk for developing significant distress. The emphasis is not on treating illness but rather on promoting wellness. While most people exposed to mass violence or terrorism experience extreme distress immediately following such events, the majority of survivors are ultimately resilient, with only approximately 30 percent developing a psychiatric disorder. Efforts to normalize psychological reactions to terrorism and reduce the stigma of using mental health services were made in the wake of 9/11, as well as efforts to provide appropriate training for clinicians. More work in these areas is needed and social workers are well placed to contribute their expertise to these efforts. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

Public fears of terrorism, so the surveys tell us, are abating amid a global financial crisis, out of control military budgets and public disillusionment with the prolonged war in Afghanistan. Surveys however, only present part of the picture. What exactly is the fear of terrorism? It is simply the fear or dread associated with being physically harmed in a terrorist attack? Or is the fear of terrorism a more complex phenomenon than that captured by opinion polls? Terrorism, though often applied subjectively to a violent act carried out for a social, political, or ideological cause, is rarely a single act or event and its effects extend far beyond a tangible incident or the immediate victim. Through the magic of television, audiences around the globe witness terrorist events such as those in New York, Madrid, London, and Bali'”the images of these events transcend space and time and position us all as bystanders to tragedy. We are invited to participate in the immediate and distal responses to these attacks. Those responses include fear and anxiety about a possible recurrence. After the September II attacks, Australians, who live almost 12,000 "miles from New York City, reported feeling anxious, fearful, or unsafe in public places. Those responses' also include an intensified quest for meaning and value; heightened patriotism and nationalistic sentiment; the suppression of dissent; and the acceptance "of measures that would otherwise be considered excessive in the name of protecting us from terror. Responses to terrorism can, and do, elicit as much fear as terrorism itself The policy response to terrorism creates a-security, culture that communicates the pervasive threat of terrorism'”from billboards urging us to "say something" to the ubiquitous cameras capturing our every movement, we are constantly reminded that the threat is ever present. More security, however, does. not necessarily mean less fear. As governments continue to counter terrorism with security respon

In an ideal world, disasters would never occur. However, if recent events teach us anything, it is a matter of when, not if, the next large-scale disaster will occur. Whether natural occurrences, man-made accidents, or intentional acts of terrorism, these events are becoming more common and larger in scale. According to the World Health Organization, a disaster is an event "which greatly exceeds the coping capacity of the affected community". For the emergency physician (EP), this means scores of victims could arrive at the emergency department (ED) and rapidly overwhelm capacity for medical and psychiatric care, as was seen following the Sarin gas terrorist attack in Tokyo. Often unexpected, disasters promote chaos and panic among those facing injury, loss, and death. In addition to expertise in handling victims with traumatic, biological, chemical, and radiation exposures, the EP must also be proficient in managing those suffering from psychological trauma. The vast majority of morbidity from disasters, especially terrorist acts, is psychological in nature. As acute care providers, EPs will likely be the first physician contact for victims and this is an ideal opportunity to assess for psychiatric injuries. Disaster mental health care is similar to physical first aid but with the goal of stabilizing "psychological hemorrhage". This chapter will focus on the essential elements of an immediate post-disaster assessment and treatment plan for EPs. Although preparedness is an essential precursor to any disaster response, a detailed description of how to set up a disaster mental health plan is beyond the scope of this chapter. Excellent summaries of this information can be found in comprehensive Disaster Psychiatry textbooks. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

The present chapter discusses the clinical nurse leader (CNL) role and health care policy. Policy refers to standing decisions that serve as guidelines for action. Health policy generally denotes policy that impacts the health of the individual, or families, and communities through production, provision, and financing of health care services. An emerging framework for health policy has expanded to population health with the goals of increasing the quality and years of a healthy life and elimination of health disparities through the need to have a public health response to terrorism prompted by the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks and the anthrax assaults that followed. Clinical nurse leaders who use theory and research in coordinating care in an interdisciplinary health care team have the skill set to advise and develop policy that will be needed as the health care system evolves. A united voice, more strategic alliances, along with leadership, and added education in policy will be needed for CNLs to increase their influence in organizations, communities, and in national and international health care. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)